A fluent English speaker, Sikorski was granted asylum in Britain as a teenager after a crackdown by the Communist regime against dissidents in his homeland. He studied at Oxford, where he was a contemporary of former British prime minister Boris Johnson, and has emerged as a forceful and effective voice in countering Russian disinformation on the global stage.
But his forthright nature has, at times, landed him in hot water. In March, he was involved in a public spat with Trump lieutenants Elon Musk and Marco Rubio, Sikorski’s US counterpart, about the tech billionaire’s Starlink satellite internet system in Ukraine.
Radek Sikorski has emerged as one of the West’s clearest and most forceful voices against the broader threat posed by authoritarian powers.Credit: NATO
Sikorski’s strongest public asset is his deep experience in international diplomacy (he was foreign minister from 2007 to 2014) and his longstanding, clear-eyed stance on Russia – credentials that have only gained prominence amid today’s geopolitical upheaval.
“Coming from a country battered by history, I know we can’t stand alone,” he says. “But we can’t afford to be naive either. Europe must do more. And we must stand together – with America, with each other, and with those who are resisting tyranny.”
To that end, Poland is leading by example. This year, it will spend 4.12 per cent of its gross domestic product on defence – the highest level among NATO members and more than double the alliance’s 2 per cent guideline.
But while Warsaw is playing a central role in supporting Ukraine, Sikorski made clear that his country would not deploy troops across the border. Instead, he says, its focus must remain on ensuring Ukraine can defend itself.
“The greatest, best guarantee of Ukraine’s security is a brave and well-equipped Ukrainian army,” he says.
“We are a frontline country … Our first duty to NATO is to secure the external border of the alliance. Remember, we have 600 kilometres of border with Russia and Belarus, and we have a key logistical hub in Poland that must be protected.”
While many European leaders remain anxious about the Trump administration, Sikorski offers a more measured assessment. He described US President Donald Trump’s approach to Ukraine as “unusual”, but not necessarily ineffective.
“[Trump] has mercurial moods and unorthodox bargaining tactics,” Sikorski said. “I think he’s giving Putin a chance to exit this disastrous war with face, but if Putin doesn’t take this chance, I think Trump is capable of coming on strong.”
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky (left) and Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk (right) speak with Canada’s Justin Trudeau in March.Credit: AP
He also pointed to increased European defence spending as a sign of a reinvigorated alliance – and a development that deserves recognition from Washington.
“Non-US NATO countries are now spending double what we were in 2016,” he said. “That’s remarkable progress, and I hope President Trump appreciates it. But it’s still not enough. That spending has to turn into real capabilities.”
Despite the improved posture in Europe, Sikorski also cautions against underestimating Russia, or assuming its actions will follow rational calculations.
“We can’t discount it,” he said of concerns that Poland could be targeted if Ukraine were to fall. “Not that Russia would succeed – NATO’s economy is 20 times larger. If we mobilise like they have, we would dwarf them militarily.”
But war, he warned, is not always logical.
“Just because it’s crazy doesn’t mean it won’t be tried. Putin attacked Ukraine based on hyper-optimistic assumptions. Leaders after 20 years in power are surrounded by yes-men. We can’t exclude criminal mistakes in the future.”
Sikorski welcomed Australia’s involvement in discussions about Ukraine’s future, as part of a coalition of the willing, saying it reflects a broader global recognition of what is at stake. He sees Ukraine’s struggle as more than just a European issue. It is, increasingly, a global one.
Russia’s foreign policy, Sikorski said, functions more like an intelligence service than a traditional diplomatic apparatus. And while authoritarian regimes may misread open debate as weakness, they do so at their peril.
Loading
“Putin miscalculates because he sees us debating things openly. He sees our slow consensus-building as weakness. But once we decide someone’s a bad egg, we can be impressively firm,” he says.
Get a note directly from our foreign correspondents on what’s making headlines around the world. Sign up for our weekly What in the World newsletter.
